Decline of the Fascist State
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Decline of the Fascist State
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Frederick Gruin, "Decline of the Fascist State", ''The Saturday Review'', August 26, 1944. Recension ''[[Twilight of the Gladiators]]'' In October, 1939, when people were beginning to call World War II the "phony war," the well-known Swedish journalist Frank Heller left Germany for a winter in "the wonderful Italian sun." The Maginot Line was still the hope of France, and Italy had not yet made the gambler's plunge into the struggle. When these things came to pass, the Scandinavian sunlover was still in the land whose spiritual and sensual enchantments "enthralled" him. He did not leave Italy, as a matter of fact, until the eve of Mussolini's fall. What he observed as the Fascist State stumbled into its twilight he chronicles in this supple and more than a shade nostalgic book, smoothly translate d by Llewellyn Jones. Though Mr. Heller had an inside view, he has little inside information. But he gives fresh first-hand corroboration of many a fact familiar to United States readers: Italy's complete unreadiness for a long war, or for any war; the Duce's colossal mistake in believing Germany invincible; the Italian people's great expectations of easy victory and rich loot, then great disillusionment over tightened belts and the swift march of the war to their doorstep. Still, when Mussolini's resignation came, it was a shock to the Swedis h journalist: "I had no suspicion of what was coming." Nor did the majority of Italians. So far as Mr. Heller could see, they were still fairly well dressed and fed. With a bit of wonderment he records how he saw bathing at Ostia and boating on the Tiber a fortnight before Badoglio took over. Mr. Heller takes pains to make clear his aversion to fascism and his disapproval of its excesses. But he does not see it all black or all white. He rather feels sorry for Mussolini, who "had a real disposition to greatness and was not far from realizing it." The Duce, he says, lost contact with reality, and thereby had his fall. In chitchat with a well-to-do Italian woman, the journalist remarked: "In any event fascism has one thing to its credit: it prevented communism from taking over." The early blackshirt march, he finds, was one of "glorious youth and courage" against the machinations of sinister "men with marked profiles" who came from "Eastern Europe." He sees "beautiful" nobility in Italian sympathy for little Finland against big Russia; he sees no irony in the fact that these same Italians picked on Ethiopia, Albania, and Greece. Mr. Heller seems to be tight in the grip of the traditional Swedish antipathy to Russia, a national foe of ancient standing. But it is difficult to understand his thinly veiled contempt for parliamentary democracy. At one point he hints that democracy may be all right for northern lands (presumably like Sweden), but he is certain it is no go in southern Europe. The "parliamentary system" of the French Third Republic he brands as utterly corrupt — it had "no reason to crow" over the "non-parliamentary system" of the Italian Fascist State. This sounds like the sentiment lavished on Mussolini in the twenties: he makes the trains go on time, etc. Mr. Heller continues: "In theory I have always been friendly to enlightened despotism, but I have been quite aware of the great difficulty of finding an enlightened despot." He indulges in an astonishing tirade against parliamentarianism: "What monstrosities of twaddle, of dirty deals, of corruption, and hypocrisy have not flourished under the protection of parliaments!" Mr. Heller finds not a creditable thing to say for the institution. He has strong doubts whether parliamentarianism is the wise way out for suffering Italy. It may be too weak — as it was before 1922, when the blackshirts saved the country from the "Red baronies" along the Po. Above all, Mr. Heller fears lest fascism be succeeded by "bolshevism with seven evil spirits worse." Do many Swedes think this way ?
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